In late 1944, General Douglas MacArthur led the American forces in the Pacific War against Japan. In October of that year, MacArthur and his troops landed on Leyte, an island in the Philippines. President Osmeña, along with General Carlos Romulo and General Basilio Valdez, joined him in reestablishing the commonwealth government. They faced strong resistance from the Japanese, who sent reinforcements by sea and air (Nadeau, 2020).

The American troops had new weapons and equipment, like powerful rifles, flame-throwers, tanks, and fighter planes. They attacked the Japanese from all sides. The Japanese became desperate and used suicide bombers called kamikazes to crash into American  planes and warships. But the American navy intercepted and defeated several Japanese fleets, clearing the way for the liberation of the Philippines.

On October 20, 1944, President Osmeña and General MacArthur worked together to restore the civil government, while the military maintained order in the country during the few months of transition. According to Nadeau, (2020) there were disagreements between Osmeña and MacArthur, especially regarding the prosecution of (Japanese) collaborators. One notable instance was MacArthur’s release of Manuel Roxas, a prewar friend who had served in Laurel’s cabinet and oversaw the rice procurement agency supplying the Japanese army in April 1945. Roxas later emerged as the political leader of the reestablished Philippine Congress. In the same year, President Osmeña secured the presidential nomination from the Nationalista Party, but Roxas, unwilling to step aside, formed a new faction within the Liberal Party, eventually becoming its leader, allowing him to run for president. To counter this, President Osmeña forged an alliance between the Nacionalistas and the Democratic front, which included members of the middle class and various organized peasant movements in northern and central Luzon. While Osmeña attended to his administrative responsibilities in Manila and allowed the electoral process to proceed, Roxas embarked on a nationwide campaign, investing substantial sums of money. He centered his campaign on three main issues: firstly, arguing that those who collaborated with the Japanese also resisted; secondly, promising to address the perceived Communist threat; and thirdly, pledging to implement new economic policies to usher the Philippines into a new era. Roxas secured victory with a margin of 200,000 votes and gained control of both houses of Congress. 

In December 1944, as the Japanese retreated, they caused destruction and harm to Filipino people. They pillaged homes, tortured civilians, and burned down towns and villages. In February 1945, MacArthur’s forces planned to trap the Japanese troops in Manila, the capital city of the Philippines. The Japanese reacted with extreme violence, causing great suffering to innocent civilians, and destroying historic buildings and other heritage structures.  Nadeu (2020) described Ermita Malate and Intramuros as a bloodied den of horror as the Japanese pillaged, raped, and murdered innocent civilians and religious clergy. They burned to the ground historic districts of homes, government buildings, universities, libraries, and churches.

After a month-long battle, the American troops recaptured Manila, but the cost was high. Many lives were lost, including American soldiers, Japanese soldiers, and Filipino people. Agoncillo & Mangahas (2010) narrated that the city of Manila was heavily damaged, becoming one of the most devastated cities of the war. The extensive bombing of Manila by the Americans, aimed at rooting out Japanese hideouts, resulted in the destruction of crucial infrastructures necessary for economic revival. This led to several months of halted production, widespread unemployment, scarcity of food, and the loss of thousands of lives due to various diseases. The overall situation in the Philippines was grim and dire. These challenges presented a formidable test for the Commonwealth.

On February 27, 1945,  General MacArthur, who had assumed control of the government as the Military Administrator, transferred the powers of the government back to President Sergio Osmeña. Although there was no official military government, the American military still had an influence on political affairs in the country. Then, on July 4, 1945, General MacArthur made a declaration that the entire Philippines had been liberated from Japanese control.

In 1945, the Philippines gained independence from the US. The country had suffered a lot during the war, with many buildings destroyed and people in need of housing, schools, food, and medicines. The cost of living had gone up dramatically. To help with these urgent needs, the United States sent money and provided loans to the Philippines.         

In the aftermath of World War II, the Philippines was in a fragile economic condition. The war had caused extensive damage to infrastructure, disrupted industries, and strained resources. Rebuilding and stabilizing the economy was a major challenge.

Roxas won the election and controlled both chambers of the legislature. This means that the president has secured the majority of seats in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. The president controlling both chambers  is significant because it gives the President’s party significant influence over the legislative process.  

One of the first acts he passed was the Bell Trade Act, which allowed free trade explorations between the US and the Philippines. As the country faced issues like unemployment, inflation, and a lack of basic necessities during this time. The Bell Trade Act was passed in this context, with the hope that it would provide economic benefits and stability to the Philippines.

However, it also gave special privileges to US citizens in terms of land use and resources. The Act established preferential trade relations between the Philippines and the US. While it allowed for more open trade between the two nations, it also granted certain advantages to American citizens in terms of land ownership and resource utilization. This provision meant that large portions of Philippine land and resources could potentially be controlled by American interests.

This led to a form of economic dependence on the US. The Philippines became reliant on favorable trade terms with the United States, which could potentially be altered or revoked by the US government. This was controversial, and there was a heated debate in the halls of the Philippine legislature. Nevertheless, the act was approved and passed into a law.   

By accepting aid and passing the Bell Trade Act, the Philippines according to Shalom (1980) became economically dependent on the US. Roxas focused on fighting against the communist rebel groups in the countryside. The Bell Trade Act’s controversial provisions and concerns about economic dependency on the US fueled opposition and discontent. These sentiments were instrumental in the rise of communist insurgency, particularly among groups like the Hukbalahap or Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon (translated in English as People’s Army Against the Japanese), a group of peasants and farmers who fought against the Japanese during World War II which had previously resisted Japanese occupation during the war.  

The insurgency had its roots in a complex interplay of factors, including opposition to foreign presence, dissatisfaction with social and economic conditions, and aspirations for land reform. The Huk movement, for instance, gained traction among impoverished peasants who sought better economic opportunities and land distribution (Steinberg, 2009). However, Manuel Roxas’ term will be cut short, as he passed away in 1948 due to multiple heart attacks. Vice President Elpidio Quirino succeeded him in office to complete the remaining years of his term.

Elpidio Quirino succeeded Manuel Roxas as President of the Philippines in 1948. He ran for president against Jose Laurel, the former president of the Japanese-sponsored republic, and Senator Jose Avelino, who had been removed from office due to corruption charges.  The election during that time was marred by violence and fraudulent practices. The outcome seemed predetermined, with the Liberal Party having more resources and support, resulting in over half of the votes going to Quirino. A brief rebellion erupted in Batangas, Laurel’s home province, following the election. The Liberal Party, led by President Quirino, secured a majority in Congress, with control over about 60 out of 100 seats. The new officials were inaugurated in December 1949.

The manipulation of the elections by the Liberal Party as narrated by Nadeu (2020) had a profound impact on how they governed, as corruption tends to breed further corruption. This occurred amid an ongoing military campaign against the HUKs, who had previously fought against the Japanese forces during World War II. Predominantly composed of rural peasants and farmers, the HUKs actually preferred peaceful means of struggle, aiming for land reform and greater social and economic justice. However, the Roxas administration earlier on rejected their inclusion in the political process, labeling them as seditious and illegal due to their Communist leanings in March 1948. Although Quirino initially pursued negotiations with the HUKs, the talks collapsed when HUK leaders insisted on retaining their weapons until reforms were implemented. The subsequent military actions against them only fueled public resentment against the government.  The HUKs wanted land reform and greater economic justice. Although Quirino initially tried to negotiate with the rebel group, the talks eventually fell apart, and military campaigns were launched against them. These campaigns only increased the resentment against the government (Crandall, 2014).

In 1950, Quirino invited US President Harry Truman to send an economic survey mission to the Philippines to study the country’s problems. The mission recommended changes to raise incomes and increase the participation of laborers and farmers in the economy, along with the provision of $250 million in the form of US aid. This aid helped ease the struggling state of the Philippine economy.

At the same time, the US sent advisors to help with the counterinsurgency campaign against the HUKs. Ramon Magsaysay, a CIA-trained trusted ally and an appointed Secretary of National Defense by the Quirino administration , implemented changes in the armed forces to fight the HUKs more effectively. Magsaysay employed psychological warfare tactics while simultaneously introducing programs to regain the support of the people and relocate surrendered HUKs to different areas.

In 1951, senatorial elections were held, and measures were taken to ensure a fair and peaceful conduct of elections. The Liberal Party lost many seats to the Nacionalista Party. In 1953, according to Nadeu (2020), the Nacionalista Party leadership nominated Magsaysay for the presidential campaign of 1953, backed by various groups, including and mainly by the US CIA and the Catholic Church, ran for president and won a significant majority of the votes despite Quirino’s tirades during the campaign against Magsaysay saying that the latter is an American puppet.

Ramon Magsaysay was a key national leader in the Philippines after World War II. During his time as president, he made several changes for the development of the nation.    

While serving in his first term as a leader, he introduced a law called the “Republic Act”. The purpose of this law was to make the executive branch stronger and help manage the country’s budget better.  This law gave more power to the president and helped the government manage its funds better. Magsaysay also had a plan to create more jobs. He wanted to generate 1.7 million jobs within five years. To achieve this, he enlisted the expertise of business professionals to spearhead various economic initiatives, including investments and projects that would stimulate employment opportunities across different sectors of the economy. This approach involved strategies like attracting investments, fostering economic growth in key industries, and implementing job-training programs to equip individuals with the skills needed for available positions.

Magsaysay also prioritized helping the farmers. He convinced the Philippine Assembly to pass a law called the Agricultural Tenancy Act (Republic Act No. 1199, 1954). This law was aimed to improve the lives of farmers who were struggling with unfair agricultural practices. It sought to establish fair agreements between landholders and tenants, ensuring both parties’ rights were protected. This included dividing the produce and income from the land fairly. The Act also encouraged tenant-farmers to boost their agricultural productivity, ultimately strengthening their economic status and involvement in rural development. Additionally, it provided provisions for tenants to have their own space for dwelling, farming, and other activities, giving them more control over their livelihoods. He also created organizations to help farmers get credit and financing support.

Magsaysay believed in listening to the people. He traveled to different parts of the country to hear their concerns. According to Abueva (2012), he wanted to show them that the government could change things. He introduced many citizens to the government and showed them that change was possible within the system. However, his personalized approach and emphasis on himself hindered the full realization of his intended reforms. Despite the effectiveness of government agencies due to their personal ties with Magsaysay, their long-term significance as independent institutions with decision-making authority was undermined by their association with the president. For instance, Magsaysay’s reliance on the army superseded the authority of local police, who were aligned with landlords and influential politicians in Congress. 

The Land Reform Act of 1955, championed by Magsaysay, was diluted by lawmakers who introduced amendments that exempted large sugar estates, greatly impeding tenants’ ability to obtain land. Magsaysay’s approach mirrored that of a traditional politician from the pre-commonwealth era, leveraging his popularity to enact changes that would fortify the nation, all while aiming to bolster his own standing as a leader (Abinales & Amoroso, 2017). 

In a tragic turn of events, Magsaysay died in a plane crash in 1957 leaving his term of office unfinished. The whole country was shocked but his vice-president succeeded him.

President Carlos Garcia was the fourth president of the Philippines after Ramon Magsaysay died.  After fulfilling his predecessor’s unfinished term, he ran for re-election but faced opposition from different parties.

One of President Garcia’s important policies was the Filipino First Policy. He wanted to prioritize the Filipino people and their economy. He encouraged industrialization and gave incentives to Filipino investors. However, not everyone supported this policy, including American and Chinese business communities (Nadeau, 2020).

In 1957 according to Abinales & Amorsolo (2017), the wealthiest 20 percent of Filipino families received the majority of the total income, accounting for 55 percent, while the poorest 20 percent only received 4.5 percent. The middle class, however, remained largely unchanged. Revolutionary movements among peasants dwindled due to the absence of the radical Left, the moderating influence of reformist associations for both rural and urban workers, and the availability of land in Mindanao. The government and the Catholic Church hierarchy also actively promoted anti-Communist messages in schools and churches.

Essentially, Garcia’s Filipino First policy primarily benefited Filipino business elites, particularly those aligned with the Nationalista party. President Garcia likened his government’s corruption to barnacles on a ship, acknowledging the challenge of removing them. He referred to this time when it was so easy to make anybody a millionaire; just give them a license and it’s done (Gleeck, 1993). 

Warlord politicians, commanding personal armies, engaged in unlawful and profit-driven activities through their connections to the Nationalista political network. Even national entities like the National Development Corporation were plagued by corruption, including bribery, fraud, and favoritism. While there were individuals of professionalism and integrity, their reputation was marred by widespread corruption and inefficiency.

By the end of Garcia’s term, the Filipino populace grew disheartened. American, Chinese, and Chinese Filipino businesses, affected by the Filipino First policy, protested more fervently. This discontent was echoed by the middle class, angered by the resurgence of corruption. American interests viewed Garcia’s policy as leaning towards socialism. For the first time in history, senior officers within the armed forces of the Philippines contemplated a coup, while opponents in Congress initiated a movement for Garcia’s impeachment. These problems led to disillusionment among the Filipino masses and protests from American and Chinese business groups. In the end, Garcia lost the 1961 presidential election to Diosdado Macapagal.

Diosdado Macapagal became the fifth president of the Philippines in 1961. He was a leader who promised to bring prosperity to the country. He sought to eradicate corruption and stimulate the economy by allowing foreign investments and freeing up the currency exchange market. In his inaugural address, he pledged to usher in a new era of prosperity. Throughout his presidency, he actively worked to combat graft, corruption, and fraud and sought to invigorate the Philippine economy by welcoming foreign investment and adopting a free currency exchange system for the peso. His strong support for free enterprise garnered significant backing from the Chinese, Chinese Filipino, and American business communities. President Macapagal also enjoyed support from the middle class, who were eager for new consumer opportunities and felt hindered by Garcia’s Filipino First policy, which limited access to foreign goods, especially American products.   

President Macapagal established the Program Implementation Agency to create a new national development plan. As narrated by Nadeu (2020), he brought in skilled technocrats, particularly those trained in the United States, who shared his vision of an open economy. These professionals received positive feedback from international funding organizations like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The Program Implementation Agency played a pivotal role in this economic opening, leading to increased agricultural exports and a temporary surge in the peso’s value. 

However, the accompanying tariffs had the opposite effect, primarily benefiting the affluent Filipino oligarchy and wealthy family-owned conglomerates that diversified into new export sectors and industries. These influential political families used their influence in Congress to obstruct President Macapagal’s initiatives. They often either rejected his bills outright or diluted them with amendments to the point of rendering them ineffective. Out of the 26 bills President Macapagal submitted to Congress, only three were enacted into law.

One important achievement of President Macapagal was the passage of the Agricultural Land Reform Code in 1963. This law aimed to solve problems faced by peasant farmers by replacing share tenancy with the leasehold system. In a shared tenancy arrangement, both the landlord and tenant provide land and labor, and afterward, they distribute the harvested produce based on their respective contributions. In contrast, with leasehold tenancy, the tenant cultivates the landlord’s plot of land in exchange for a predetermined sum of money or a portion of the yield, or sometimes both (Ungos, 2020). This issue of land tenure stretches back to earlier times, even before Macapagal’s presidency. It was a complex and deeply rooted problem, intertwined with the socio-economic fabric of the Philippines. The Huk rebellion, for example, had its roots in part due to discontent with land tenure arrangements.       

The Philippines during this time also relied heavily on support and help from the US for its economic development. This made the country dependent on American aid. Even though the Macapagal administration had a plan to improve the economy, it could not be put into action successfully as the economy was struggling because people were buying a lot of foreign products. The people also had mixed feelings about trying to develop the country in a more independent way (Tan, 2008).         

President Macapagal faced significant challenges from affluent families who engaged in tax evasion and propagated negative narratives about his character and his administration. They managed to evade the administration’s reforms and used their connections to undermine the president’s efforts. He vowed to pursue tax evaders, particularly the wealthy families who were costing the treasury millions of taxpayers’ money annually. However, both his actual efforts and his perception of them seemed to only anger these families further. They leveraged their connections to undermine his government. Between 1962 and 1963, they orchestrated a campaign through the Philippine Free Press, consistently publishing articles aimed at defaming his character by labeling him a dictator and shedding light on government corruption. They also spotlighted the extravagant lifestyles of well-to-do government officials, in stark contrast to their fellow citizens struggling in poverty (Nadeu, 2020). In the 1965 election, he and his vice-presidential candidate, Senator Gerardo Roxas were defeated by Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and the latter’s running mate, Fernando Lopez.

In the 1965 election, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. won the election with a large majority by promising to fight corruption, maintain peace and order, and bring economic progress. Marcos presented himself as a charismatic leader who connected with ordinary people.

Marcos had plans to strengthen the Philippine economy and reduce foreign control. He wanted to develop local industries and establish new trade relationships with socialist countries. He also aimed to make the Philippine armed forces self-reliant to lessen dependence on the US. The First Lady, Imelda Marcos, promoted cultural programs to revive traditional Filipino cultures and reduce foreign influence (Tan, 2008)

However, Marcos faced challenges in implementing his plans, and criticisms eventually emerged. Anti-Marcos and anti-government groups used these uncertainties to gain support from the public. So, Marcos and his government faced the same problems influenced by other powerful countries, just like the leaders before him since 1946. Some dubbed his government “US-Marcos’s fascist dictatorship” (Tan,2008). At the same time, a radical movement of working-class and peasant groups emerged, seeking changes and opposing neocolonialism- this means that even after countries like the Philippines gained their independence, richer nations such as the United States found new ways to control them economically and take their resources. This happened because the old colonial system fell apart after World War II, and the more powerful countries rebuilt their influence in different ways (Watts, 2009). 

Protests and street demonstration pickets became common, especially from the youth and student sectors, and opposition to Marcos grew exponentially. There were also conflicts in the southern part of the country with Muslim separatist groups. In response to the growing political unrest, Marcos declared martial law in 1972, establishing an authoritarian regime that suspended democratic processes until it was officially lifted in 1981. Although the impact of his authoritarian rule continued to have its effects years after the lifting, specifically on the issue of human rights, freedom of the press and expression, and economic stability (X. Chua, personal communication (interview), July 12, 2023).

During this period, cultural expressions such as literature and music became important forms of protest and resistance against American imperialism and the Marcos authoritarian regime.  American imperialism is referred to by Immerman (2010) as the political, economic, and military influence exerted by the United States on other nations, often involving the acquisition of territories, economic dominance, and cultural influence. It is characterized by efforts to expand American power and interests beyond its borders.

The establishment of martial law marked a dark and undemocratic period in Philippine history but dictator Marcos justified the measure as a necessary step to address the serious crisis that threatened the government’s stability. The political unrest according to Tan, (2008) involved communist insurgents, opposition groups, and Muslim separatists. He was ousted in power through a collective uprising of roughly two and a half million Filipino people called the EDSA People Power Revolution on February 25, 1986, and was then exiled to Hawaii until his death overseas on September 28, 1989.